剑桥雅思9Test4阅读Passage2原文翻译 Young children’s sense of identity 婴幼儿的自我认知
剑桥雅思9阅读第四套题目第二篇文章的主题为婴幼儿的自我认知。文章分为8段，分别介绍了自我认知分为主体自我认知和客体自我认知，主体自我认知的构成因素，模仿在自我认知中的作用，主体自我认知研究局限性的原因，客体自我认知的实例，自我与社会的关系密不可分，关于客体自我认知的实验，自我认知最常见的表达方式等。下面是具体每一段的翻译。
点击查看这篇雅思阅读中需要大家掌握的重点词汇以及对应的答案解析：
雅思真题阅读词汇 剑桥雅思9 test 4 passage 2 婴儿的自我认知
剑桥雅思9Test4阅读Passage2答案解析 Young children’s sense of identity 婴幼儿的自我认知
剑桥雅思9 Test4 Passage2阅读原文翻译
段落A
A sense of self develops in young children by degrees. The process can usefully be thought of in terms of the gradual emergence of two somewhat separate features: the self as a subject, and the self as an object. William James introduced the distinction in 1892, and contemporaries of his, such as Charles Cooley, added to the developing debate. Ever since then psychologists have continued building on the theory.
幼儿会逐步发展出自我意识。我们可以从两个某种程度上相互独立的特征的逐渐出现来考虑这一过程：作为主体的自我和作为客体的自我。威廉·詹姆斯（William James）在1892年引入这一区分，他同时代的人，例如查尔斯·库利（Charles Cooley），也加入这一场不断发展的辩论。从那时起，心理学家一直在持续构建该理论。
段落B
According to James, a child’s first step on the road to self-understanding can be seen as the recognition that he or she exists. This is an aspect of the self that he labelled ‘self-as-subject’, and he gave it various elements. These included an awareness of one’s own agency (i.e. one’s power to act), and an awareness of one’s distinctiveness from other people. These features gradually emerge as infants explore their world and interact with caregivers. Cooley (1902) suggested that a sense of the self-as-subject was primarily concerned with being able to exercise power. He proposed that the earliest examples of this are an infant’s attempts to control physical objects, such as toys or his or her own limbs. This is followed by attempts to affect the behavior of other people. For example, infants learn that when they cry or smile someone responds to them.
詹姆斯认为，孩子迈向自我认知的第一步可以看作是对自己存在的认可。这是自我的一个方面，他称之为“作为主体的自我”，并赋予了它各种要素。其中包括了解自己的代理机构（即自己的行为权），以及了解自己与众不同的特征。随着婴儿探索自己的世界并与照顾者互动，这些特征逐渐显现出来。Cooley（1902）提出，作为主体的自我认知主要与能够锻炼影响力有关。他提出，最早的例子是婴儿试图控制诸如玩具或自己的四肢之类的实在物体。随后是影响他人行为的尝试。例如，婴儿了解到，当他们哭泣或微笑时，有人会对他们做出反应。
段落C
Another powerful source of information for infants about the effects they can have on the world around them is provided when others mimic them. Many parents spend a lot of time, particularly in the early months, copying their infant’s vocalizations and expressions. In addition, young children enjoy looking in mirrors, where the movements they can see are dependent upon their own movements. This is not to say that infants recognize the reflection as their own image (a later development). However, Lewis and Brooks-Gunn (1979) suggest that infants’ developing understanding that the movements they see in the mirror are contingent on their own, leads to a growing awareness that they are distinct from other people. This is because they, and only they, can change the reflection in the mirror.
当其他人模仿婴儿时，可以为婴儿提供有关其对周围世界的影响的另一个强大信息来源。许多父母花很多时间，尤其是在最初的几个月里，模仿婴儿的声音和表情。此外，年幼的孩子喜欢照镜子，他们看到的动作取决于自己的动作。这并不是说婴儿将镜子中的反射视为自己的图像（后来的发展）。刘易斯和布鲁克斯-古恩（Lewis and Brooks-Gunn，1979）认为，婴儿对镜子中运动的理解是独立的，这使他们逐渐意识到自己与众不同。因为他们，并且只有他们可以改变镜中的反射。
段落D
This understanding that children gain of themselves as active agents continues to develop in their attempts to co-operate with others in play. Dunn (1988) points out that it is in such day-to-day relationships and interactions that the child’s understanding of his- or herself emerges. Empirical investigations of the self-as-subject in young children are, however, rather scarce because of difficulties of communication: even if young infants can reflect on their experience, they certainly cannot express this aspect of the self directly.
在与他人玩耍的过程中，儿童对自己作为积极行为者的理解不断发展。邓恩（Dunn，1988）指出，正是在这种日常关系和互动中，孩子才对自己产生了理解。然而，由于沟通困难，对幼儿自我主体的实证研究相当缺乏：即使幼儿可以反思自己的经历，他们也无法直接表达自我的这一方面。
段落E
Once children have acquired a certain level of self-awareness, they begin to place themselves in a whole series of categories, which together play such an important part in defining them uniquely as ‘themselves’. This second step in the development of a full sense of self is what James called the ‘self-as-object’. This has been seen by many to be the aspect of the self which is most influenced by social elements, since it is made up of social roles (such as student, brother, colleague) and characteristics which derive their meaning from comparison or interaction with other people (such as trustworthiness, shyness, sporting ability).
一旦孩子获得了一定程度的自我意识，他们便开始将自己置于一系列的类别中，这些类别在他们获取有关“自己”的独特定义中发挥着重要作用。全面自我意识发展的第二步就是詹姆斯所说的“客体的自我”。许多人认为这一方面的自我受社会影响最大，因为它是由社会角色（例如学生，兄弟，同事）和通过与他人的比较或互动而得出的特征（例如诚信，害羞，运动能力）组成的。
段落F
Cooley and other researchers suggested a close connection between a person’s own understanding of their identity and other people’s understanding of it. Cooley believed that people build up their sense of identity from the reactions of others to them, and from the view they believe others have of them. He called the self-as-object the ‘looking-glass self’, since people come to see themselves as they are reflected in others. Mead (1934) went even further, and saw the self and the social world as inextricably bound together: ‘The self is essentially a social structure, and it arises in social experience … it is impossible to conceive of a self arising outside of social experience.’
Cooley和其他研究人员认为，一个人对自己身份的理解与他人对其身份的理解之间存在密切联系。Cooley相信人们会从他人对他们的反应中，以及他们所认为的其他人对他们的看法中建立身份认同。他将客体自我称为“照镜子的自我”，因为人们通过他人的反馈来认识自己。米德（Mead，1934）走得更远，他认为自我和社会世界密不可分地联系在一起：“自我本质上是一种社会结构，它诞生于社会经验之中……无法想象在社会经验之外产生的自我。”
段落G
Lewis and Brooks-Gunn argued that an important development milestone is reached when children become able to recognize themselves visually without the support of seeing contingent movement. This recognition occurs around their second birthday. In one experiment, Lewis and Brooks-Gunn (1979) dabbed some red powder on the noses of children who were playing in front of a mirror, and then observed how often they touched their noses. The psychologists reasoned that if the children knew what they usually looked like, they would be surprised by the unusual red mark and would start touching it. On the other hand, they found that children of 15 to 18 months are generally not able to recognize themselves unless other cues such as movement are present.
ewis和Brooks-Gunn争辩说，发展过程中一项重要的里程碑是，儿童在看不到自己动作时却能在视觉上认识自己。这种认知出现在两岁左右。在一个实验中，刘易斯和布鲁克斯-古恩（Lewis and Brooks-Gunn，1979）在镜子前玩耍的孩子的鼻子上擦了一些红色粉末，然后观察他们多长时间触摸一次鼻子。心理学家认为，如果孩子们知道他们平时的模样，他们会对异常的红色标记感到惊讶并开始触摸它。另一方面，他们发现15到18个月大的孩子通常无法识别自己，除非存在动作之类的其他提示。
段落H
Finally, perhaps the most graphic expressions of self-awareness in general can be seen in the displays of rage which are most common from 18 months to 3 years of age. In a longitudinal study of groups of three or four children, Bronson (1975) found that the intensity of the frustration and anger in their disagreements increased sharply between the ages of 1 and 2 years. Often, the children’s disagreements involved a struggle over a toy that none of them had played with before or after the tug-of-war: the children seemed to be disputing ownership rather than wanting to play with it. Although it may be less marked in other societies, the link between the sense of ‘self’ and of ‘ownership’ is a notable feature of childhood in Western societies.
最后，或许普遍意义上自我认知最形象的表现体现在愤怒的展示上。这在18个月到3岁之间的孩子身上最为常见。在对三四个孩子构成的小组进行纵向研究时，Bronson（1975）发现，他们遇到分歧时，沮丧和愤怒的强度在1至2岁之间急剧增加。通常，孩子们的分歧涉及对他们在拔河之前或之后还没有玩过的玩具的争执：孩子们似乎在争辩所有权，而不是想玩它。尽管它在其他社会中可能没有那么明显，但是“自我认知”和“所有权”之间的联系是西方社会童年的显著特征。
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